![]() |
Source: Wikimedia Commons |
The process of drawing legislative districts to give a group of people more or less voting power is called gerrymandering; when the groups are political parties, it is partisan gerrymandering. It isn’t a new practice; gerrymandering has been around for centuries. The term has its origins all the way back in 1812; its peculiar name is a portmanteau of “Gerry” (Massachusetts’ governor at the time) and “salamander” (the shape of the district he was associated with).
But
recently, partisan gerrymandering has become both more prominent and more one-sided. When Republicans controlled a plurality of
state legislatures after the 2010 elections, the practice transformed from a blemish on our democracy to a massive hole in it.
A
project called the Redistricting Majority Project (REDMAP for short)
was launched by the Republican State Leadership Committee (RSLP), the
organization responsible for coordinating state-level Republican
party actions, with the goal of creating “20-25 new Republican
Congressional Districts through the redistricting process...
solidifying a Republican House majority.” REDMAP was by far the
most advanced and most coordinated gerrymandering effort in American
history.
And
this wasn’t done behind closed doors, with hushed voices; the above
quote comes from the second paragraph on REDMAP’s website, a
bombastic, red-white-and-blue affair, complete with a shining American flag in the background. Later on, the
website even boasts of “a 33-seat [Republican] margin in the U.S.
House” despite “over one million more votes cast for Democratic
House candidates than Republicans.” Frankly, the brazen defiance of democracy it displays is sickening.
So
if gerrymandering is such a terrible thing, and if it keeps getting
struck down by courts, why is the RSLC, one of the most prominent
national Republican groups, rubbing its partisan intentions in our
faces?
Because
partisan gerrymandering isn’t actually illegal.
Well,
not yet, anyway. As of now, the prevailing opinion of the US Supreme
Court, in the 2004 case Vieth v. Jubelirer, holds that “political
gerrymandering claims are nonjusticiable because no judicially
discernible and manageable standards for adjudicating such claims
exist.” Basically, there is no metric that can measure partisan
gerrymandering in such a way that the US Constitution would forbid
it.
This
ruling overturned the previous 1986 opinion in Davis v. Bandemer, in
which the court, while upholding gerrymandered districts, ruled that
such a case would be justiciable if a reliable way were found to
measure gerrymandering.
If
you’ve been following the news recently, you may have read that the
Supreme Court is hearing another case involving partisan gerrymandering, this time in Wisconsin. What’s different this time
around? Since their 2004 ruling, a new measure of gerrymandering has
been proposed: the efficiency gap.
The
efficiency gap is a percentage calculated by measuring the “wasted
votes” (votes that do not contribute to a winning candidate) of
each party, taking the difference, and dividing that difference by
the total votes cast. It provides a quantifiable measure of partisan
gerrymandering, and can be easily applied and understood (for the
source of this math, as well as more discussion of the efficiency
gap, see this New York Times article).
Whether
the efficiency gap is a sufficiently rigorous measure for the Supreme
Court is still to be determined. If it is, it’s a big win for
voting rights groups and the Democratic party; if not, then federal
partisan gerrymandering cases are moot until the Supreme Court has a
different ideological makeup.
Full
disclosure: I am not a lawyer. Do not trust me. But if you asked me,
I would guess that this Supreme Court case isn’t going to change a
thing. The language of Vieth v. Jubilier seems to imply that any
mathematical standard would need universal acceptance and a complete
lack of ambiguity, two things that are practically impossible.
So
the most likely outcome is that we’re stuck with the rampant
gerrymandering brought on by REDMAP. And unless the Democratic party
can win a lot of state legislatures in 2020, the problem will only
get worse, as computational gerrymandering tools become more
effective. Already, a citizenship question has been proposed for the
2020 census, a move which could shift apportionment power evenfurther towards Republican states.
And
legislative solutions? Forget it. As long as Republicans secure at
least 41 votes against such a bill in the US Senate, they can
filibuster any law that might forbid gerrymandering (and that’s
assuming every Democratic senator votes for the bill). Constitutional
amendments, requiring three quarters of the state legislatures to
agree, are even further out of the question.
Ultimately, gerrymandering is, in my opinion, one of the most obvious flaws in our system of government. It's a simple case of those in power making the rules to keep themselves in power. But, unless the Supreme Court deems it unconstitutional, it's a problem that's probably here to stay for decades. As of now, the only recourse is state courts and constitutions, as was the case in Pennsylvania.
Ultimately, gerrymandering is, in my opinion, one of the most obvious flaws in our system of government. It's a simple case of those in power making the rules to keep themselves in power. But, unless the Supreme Court deems it unconstitutional, it's a problem that's probably here to stay for decades. As of now, the only recourse is state courts and constitutions, as was the case in Pennsylvania.